Ochlocracy, in English also Mobocracy: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mobocracy
=================================
=================================
"臺灣人「受虐性格」的心理分析": http://tinyurl.com/2xpf89
KMT:中國國民黨 green card history: http://tinyurl.com/2hkwrl
'綠卡與殖民心態':3/1/08: http://tinyurl.com/2zzwtk
..."" 台灣中國國民黨候選人馬英九先生，依舊在綠卡的問題上閃爍其辭，模糊焦點，他的身分問題若放在美國憲法的角度來看，他註定無法參選總統職位，因為他是在香港出生，且或許領有外國的永久居留權，看在美國開國元勳的眼裡，這樣的人是有隨時出賣國家的可能， ""...
'馬英九的分身與化名' 2008/02/15 06:00 http://tinyurl.com/34bh5f
'外獨會意見庫存: 沒人否認Mark Ma是美國人' 發言人:台人, on 19/02/2008 22:25:43 http://tinyurl.com/2qbkbh
---------------------------------
"Contemporary Taiwanese Cultural Nationalism", A-chin Hsiau: 3/14/2007: http://tinyurl.com/2v2nwy
addresses diverse subjects including nationalist literature; language ideology; the crafting of a national history and the impact of Japanese colonialism.
---------------------------------
"Religion and the Formation of Taiwanese Identities" Paul Katz: 6/28/2003: http://tinyurl.com/2pmmtn
Book Description: This volume examines the creation of forms of individual and group identity in Taiwan, the relationship between these forms of identity, and patterns of Taiwanese religion, politics, and culture. The contributors explore the Taiwanese sense of self, attempting to discern how Taiwanese identify themselves as individuals and as collectivities. Ranging from the local to the national level and within the larger Chinese cultural and religious universe, these essays explore the complex nature of identity/role and the processes of identity formation which have shaped Taiwan's multi-leveled past and its many faceted present.
About the Author: Paul Katz is an Associate Research Fellow at the Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica, Taiwan. His most recent book is Images of the Immortal: The Cult of Lü Dongbin at the Palace of Eternal Joy.
Murray Rubinstein recently edited Taiwan, A New History. He is Professor of History at Baruch College.
=================================
'林山田談馬英九' ■ 廖宜恩: Liberty Times 3/1/08: http://tinyurl.com/3cgygn
"" 一九九一年「一○○行動聯盟」的「反閱兵、廢惡法」運動，是台灣民主化過程中，最撼動人心的抵抗運動典範。國史館已完成參與運動重要成員的口述歷史，即將付梓出版。其中，已故台大法律系林山田教授，對整個運動的背景環境與過程，有很精彩的描述！
林山田教授當時是聯盟和國民黨談判的主要代表 "" ... ...
... ...
---------------------------------
'海外台灣同鄉發起舉報馬英九逃漏稅行動' 2/15/08: http://tinyurl.com/3y7don
'馬英九該知道的228', ■陳儀深 2/22/2008: http://tinyurl.com/28au2j
' 被遺忘的馬英九著作："恐怖主義與台灣獨立運動" ': http://tinyurl.com/2ck5qq http://tinyurl.com/yo5jwa
"Terrorism and the Taiwan Independence Movement: A Preliminary Study", Martin, Joseph, 1985. Taipei: Institute on Contemporary China.
"" 首先，這本書，既在KMT內部革實院史料呈現書名，是馬的早年向KMT黨中央邀功之自傳內容，又被習賢德公開揭露，馬的絕不敢再否認為他著作，就像波士頓通訊一樣。 ""
"" 裡面，當然寫到了王幸男事件、鄭自才黃文雄事件、中央日報聯合報被炸案；這是真實發生的事，當事人確與台獨組織有關；但是，我相信，裡面尚有其他大量引用的「恐怖事件」，極可能是KMT方面自導自演，嫁禍台獨組織；或在島內抹黑台獨組織用的。李師科搶土銀，若不是破案了，搞不好也會說是台獨幹的，馬英九在波士頓通訊，甚至推斷陳文成案是台獨自己人幹的！ ""
"" 此外，在序(Preface) 裡提到，作者的太太叫Jessie，女兒叫Iris。目前不知是攏係假的，還是真的；此名字也適合追查馬的綠卡事件的線索。網路上一群熱心偵探，正苦於查不出他，馬的一家人的「英文小名」。 ""
"" 本文發表於 on 星期六, 二月 2nd, 2008 at 12:18 上午 且歸類為 他，馬的. 你可以發表回應於 RSS 2.0 feed. 你可以 留下回應, 或 引用 自你的網站. ""
=================================
'『中國』國民黨的 黑金司法案件清單' Redeye's brag 6/21/2006: http://tinyurl.com/2jxvs3
'關不住的歌聲－Danny Boy', [原著] [大地~閃亮的小螺絲釘]於2007-12-25 06:17:51上傳[580]
http://tinyurl.com/2zqxno
"" 黃守禮為槍決前的難友高歌
黃守禮的二哥黃守義在228大屠殺時唸建中高二，因外出買早點被中國兵打死。
他在清鄉白色恐怖的1950年代，是台北工業學校的學生，也莫名被捕，關在保安司令部。愛唱歌的黃守禮借著歌聲為難友打氣，日文歌的「幌馬車之歌」是送別難友的歌曲，英文哥的"Danny Boy"則是思念家鄉老母親的等待，隔壁囚房的台大學生于凱，是一位隻身從山東來台的流亡學生，在即將被槍決前，他懇求黃守禮為他唱"Danny Boy"，想到遠在東北老家的母親，不知兒子將在台灣被槍決，猶苦苦守候家門…
歌罷，黃守禮伸手伸過牆隙，向于凱加油致意，這時他才驚覺于凱的雙手十指，沒有半片指甲留存著 ""
... ...
=================================
---------------------------------
Bloody Indonesia 'Mass Killings Under Suharto Recalled' http://tinyurl.com/2d8g84
'Suharto, the Model Killer, and His Friends ...' 1/29/08: http://tinyurl.com/2eel7p
'US Must Atone for Aiding Suharto' 2/3/2008: http://tinyurl.com/25oh4n
---------------------------------
Taiwanese nationals? http://tinyurl.com/26p24m
' Japanese nationals claiming any redress against their SFPT administrative authorities are "protected persons" of USMG occupied territory. '
'「台湾の声」【速報】2・3「偽造地図を追放せよ！」緊急国民集会': http://tinyurl.com/yovw9a
=================================
【黃天麟專欄】真假失業率: http://tinyurl.com/2ax38s
---------------------------------
Danger: 新書《台灣：恫嚇下的民主進展》（Taiwan:The Threatened Democracy）
http://tinyurl.com/2rntp7
'馬英九會提出實施「一國兩制」的時間表？'
---------------------------------
'馬9寫的《波士頓通訊》，才是血案的幫兇！' 簡余晏2007/10/16
[blocked: http://tinyurl.com/2szt4w ]
「海外台獨份子在案發後二十四小時之內，即一口咬定陳文成為警總殺害後移屍台大圖書館，更是無稽之談。」這是馬9在1981年9月號的《波士頓通訊》所寫的文字。當年的馬9還批評陳文成說：「因為陳文成在美有具體的反政府活動，警總約談，給他本人一個澄清的機會，這是維護國家安全應有的做法…。」(見右圖)
試問，在那個獨裁時代、戒嚴時代、黑幫治國暗殺的年代，被警備總部約談會是「澄清的機會」嗎？美麗島案中的林義雄等人在獄中受到無情殘忍的刑求逼供，至親在獄外被國民黨黨國情治系統冷血殘殺，馬英九親筆撰刻的《波士頓通訊》曾有過一句民主、人權，或人性基本的悲憫的言詞嗎？沒有！請看這幾頁《波士頓通訊》，馬英九親筆寫下了陳文成「約談次日命案發生，與警總殺害之間並沒有任何直接的關連，警總也不可能出此下策…」，光是看了這幾句為黨國暗殺行動辯護的話，馬9就應該出來正式道歉。
[blocked:: http://tinyurl.com/2ptedu ]
繼消費黃崑虎與蘇進強之後，馬9前天竟然消費林義雄與陳文成，根據中央社報導馬9的說法是：「未來如果執政，將會繼續調查林宅血案、陳文成命案等政治案件。…這些受難者無悔付出的青春和勇氣，是台灣社會世世代代的良心，未來如果執政，包括林宅血案、陳文成命案等政治案件，都將繼續調查。」但是，到了昨天，馬9再度冷血說的說：「陳文成案是治安案件，應該由治安機關調查(見中央社盧太城報導)」，言下之意再度否認林宅血案與陳文成案是政治暗殺事件，這種態度反覆，欠缺中心思想，只為了消費林義雄及陳文成換取政治認同的作法，說了比不說更卑鄙！
再看右頁的《波士頓通訊》，馬9直言說他己取得警政刑事警察局鑑驗通知書五種，有疑問的人可以去跟他來函詢問。既然當年的馬9這麼有把握，今天說要重啟調查的馬9應該先去跟昔日的黨國馬9調資料，應該先去清查當年的黨內大老的情治資料，當年所有的政治暗殺案件多為蔣經國、王昇、蔣孝武體系發動，直到今日，多家統媒仍在美化陳啟禮暗殺江南事件，喪禮上還準備插滿地紅國旗，藍軍還在恥言世界各國都是這樣執法的，就是因為有這樣的《波士頓通訊》，難怪鄭弘儀與童仲彥會收到恐嚇信，難怪連戰赴中的四二六事件是竹聯黑幫出來圍毆老人家，難怪愛國同心會可以公開說要暗殺主張台灣主權者全家人，台北地檢署還可以不起訴。
林宅血案中的雙胞胎小妹妹，當年被情治暗殺人員背刺一刀躺臥血泊，倒在一樓地下室內，嘴中仍含中一顆糖來不及吃完。她是因為情治系統封鎖現場沒有讓醫護人員及時進到地下室搶救，因此流血過多致死。在那個警備總部24小時監控林宅的時代，除了警備總部及情治體系暗殺系統人士之外，沒有人能進得了林宅，警總及情治體系至今沒有人出來道歉過。林義雄2000年時曾說過：「聯合報是林宅血案的幫兇、聯合報是林宅血案的幫兇！」，那一年我因此去翻了聯合報早年對黨外人士、林義雄等人的報導，才了解，情治系統及黑道會如此去殘殺老人小孩，完全是因為聯合報這些味著良心批判台灣派的媒體人，這些媒體人自以為愛國高尚，與今之馬9一樣至今從未反省，是這些為黨國服務的統派寫手害死林宅老人小孩。今天，再望著馬9這一篇批判陳文成案的文字，我真得覺得：《波士頓通訊》才是那個時代各種暗殺血案的幫兇！
[blocked:: http://tinyurl.com/392p55 ] ""
---------------------------------
外省人台灣獨立促進會: http://www.1949er.org/
Goa-Seng-Lang Association For Taiwan Independence
張錫模: http://tinyurl.com/2s365t
'悼張錫模教授', ■ 徐馨生
"" 十月一日台北榮總，在輪椅上折騰得已久的老父，在住進腎臟感染科病房時情緒失控，大聲嚷嚷。我用較重的口氣，請老爸小聲說話，別吵到其他病人；沒想到隔簾傳來：「小姐，他生病不舒服，沒關係！」 令人備覺溫暖。
十月二日一大早，看到隔桌有盆花籃，上寫「祝張錫模教授 早日康復立法委員賴幸媛」，知道遇見自己人了！等張教授一回來，我迫不及待向他道謝，因為聽說夜裡，家父吵得讓他逃到別間病房去睡，並且對他說：「您的大名我曉得，不過忘了在哪見過？」這時他臉上的表情，露出不解和不自然，說：「是嗎？」我完全了解，這是因為我和家父的北京腔使然，於是趕快說：「我是外獨會的。」他笑開懷的說：「真的嗎？太高興了！」
我們聊起來，談到外獨會的成員、歷史，我個人轉變的心路歷程等，他說：「我和我太太常上外獨會的網站，所以認識Rocky，也和邵立中玩在一起。」我就告訴他，當年陳師孟教授榮任副市長，挑選立中做他機要秘書的秘辛。雖然我們談興很高，但一方面家父顯已不耐，一方面我也怕他太累，談話就暫告一個段落。
不久，連副院長帶著兩位醫師來病房看他，也帶來非常嚴酷的病情研判和治療方法：要洗腎或考慮換腎。聽副院長這麼一說，我才知道，原來張教授病情那麼嚴重。
十月三日，張教授告訴我，他想尋求別的途徑看看，否則一個禮拜洗三次腎，對生活、工作影響太大。接下來聊天中，他問我對公投入聯的看法，我說當然贊成；他則從多方面分析給我聽，若是公投過了，當然好；可要是沒過，後果就太嚴重了，因為來自四方尤其是中國的打壓，將會是台灣不可承受的重。我心中大叫不妙；但事已至此，頭都洗下去了，台灣人咱們可得拚了！接著他又娓娓道出對總統選舉的觀察和策略，讓我在一個鐘頭裡，上了好幾課。中午吃飯時，他美麗高?、皮膚白皙的太太來了，我們一見如故，因為她也是「新台灣人」。
十月四日中午，張教授出院時，把他的著作《全球反恐戰爭》送我，我們握手道別，我要他好好為國、為家、為自己珍重。沒想到，幾天後書才看完，要打電話給他讚美，並鼓勵他完成「伊斯蘭與世界政治三部曲」的二、三部曲時，電話那頭卻先傳來張教授在家暈倒、離開人間的噩耗！
才走了汪平雲，又走了張錫模，兩位外獨會老友，請保佑台灣人民堅持理想，走出活路！
（作者為「外省人台灣獨立促進會」前副會長）
（張錫模教授公祭時間、地點：十月二十九日上午十一時，台北榮總懷遠廳） ""
---------------------------------
李友邦: http://tinyurl.com/2oby5u
' 扁促馬誠心面對「轉型正義」', 自由, 更新日期:2007/10/26 04:09
〔記者黃其豪／蘆洲報導〕總統陳水扁昨天參觀國家三級古蹟台北縣蘆洲李氏古宅，以愛鄉護土的李友邦將軍家族遭國民黨政府迫害為例，呼籲馬英九及國民黨要真心誠意面對白色恐怖、和解正名及不當黨產等「轉型正義」的相關議題。
陳總統由李友邦次子李力群導覽，參觀這座百年歷史的三落四合院，總統說，古蹟不是死的建築，而是活的歷史，李友邦因為熱情及理想加入國民黨，也因為這個熱情和理想遭國民黨迫害而犧牲生命，國民黨為此可曾有過任何交代？
總統說，馬當選國民黨主席後，就在黨部大樓外牆掛起「抗日英雄」李友邦的肖像，接著探視李家，還對李家遭受白色恐怖表示「惋惜」，好像這些事情跟國民黨一點關係都沒有一樣，令人感到不平。
總統強調，和李友邦一樣，在國民黨主政的白色恐怖時代，千千萬萬知識青年被莫須有的罪名深埋在墓塚中。總統強調，我們需要的不是國民黨及馬英九的「惋惜」，需要的是還原歷史原貌，讓真相來平反，讓正義得以伸張。 ""
=================================
"近代台灣慘史檔案", 邱國禎, 2007/6/1 ; ISBN: 9789578015364
http://tinyurl.com/2yyvzc 自由時報：'中國黨暴政百科全書':
http://tinyurl.com/2yu7be
=================================
KMT Assassination in Taiwan, Hong Kong, US, ...
http://tinyurl.com/24jmyy
'楊金海： 國民黨特務殺了我哥哥' 在香港被三個台灣去的國民黨特務殺害。
=================================
http://tinyurl.com/38g4oh
'Massacre in March1947 Taiwan':
From victoria228..., "" Margaret (郭勝華) Lu (M.D., MPH) 僑務委員(台灣). United States: My father's murder (March 1947), only 14 months after his return to Taiwan from Japan (1946) and 10 months after his appointment as a superintendent of a “Provincial Hospital” was written on p.306 of George H. Kerr's book - "Formosa Betrayed". "" ... ...
=================================
In USA:--------------------------
In USA: http://tinyurl.com/2cp6rm
'中華人民共和國架構下的 北加州臺灣政黨', 文/郭英仁, 台灣公論報 : August 24th, 2007
"" 最近閱讀在北加州臺美人社區廣為流傳的一封電子郵件， 其目的是在鼓勵大家參與今年(2007 年) 8月12日 “北加州中國大專校友會聯合會”所舉辨的 “國家建設論壇”活動， 並且藉此要求與會者將所學的專長貢獻給“我們的國家”。 下面是他們的線上海報：
http://jaacuc.net/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=196&Itemid=43。
""
... ...
=================================
=================================
In Taiwan:-----------------------
http://tinyurl.com/ypyygz
"Taiwan: The Threatened Democracy", by Herschensohn, Bruce'
http://www.wufi.org.tw/eng/228ucb1.htm
'My Search for 2-28', Keelung Hong
"" at UC Berkeley 2-28 -2003 Memorial
Like most of your parents when they were young, I did not know anything about the 2-28 massacres when I was growing up. The "white terror" of the late-1940s and early 50s made Taiwanese who survived it afraid to talk about what had happened or to criticize the Chinese regime that ruled under martial law. ""
... ...
"" A critical review on book A Tragic Beginning: The Taiwan Uprising of February 28, 1947 by Lai Tse-Han, Ramon H. Myers, and Wei Wou, 1991. Stanford University Press. ""
---------------------------------
---------------------------------
http://tinyurl.com/2g8r63
'Foreign Relations, 1969-1976, Volume E-13, Documents on China, 1969-1972
Released by the Office of the Historian, US Dept. of State:
'MEMORANDUM OF CONVERSATION'
"" PARTICIPANTS:
Prime Minister Chou En-lai, People's Republic of China
Chi P'eng-fei, Acting PRC Foreign Minister
Chang Wen-chin, Director, Western Europe and American Department, PRC Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Wang Hai-jung, Deputy Chief of Protocol, PRC
Tang Wen-sheng and Chi Chao-chu, Chinese Interpreters and Notetakers
Dr. Henry A. Kissinger, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs
Jonathan Howe, Senior Staff Member, NSC
Winston Lord, Senior Staff Member, NSC
PLACE: Great Hall of the People, Peking
DATE & TIME: October 21, 1971, 10:30 a.m. -1:45 p.m.
GENERAL SUBJECTS: President's Visit, Taiwan and Japan ""
---------------------------------
---------------------------------
"" trampled by Chinese colonial forces escorted ashore by US forces 60 years ago ""
In Taiwan: http://tinyurl.com/26zrre
'Letter: On the road to decolonization: Hurdles abound on the road to Taiwan's decolonization', by Huang Jei-hsuan ; Taipei Times: Friday, Mar 30, 2007, Page 8:
"" For starters, Taiwan's domestic purveyors of Chinese colonialism have to be politically humbled. Only by thoroughly dispiriting these people to the extent that they abandon all hope of unifying Taiwan with China can they be forced to resign themselves to the notion that their future -- as well as that of their off-spring -- lies in either Taiwan or China, but not both.
In this way, transitional justice -- the key to Taiwan's decolonization -- could be implemented properly.
Former Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) chairman Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) and his party have done all they can to impede the progress of transitional justice, claiming that it will cause ethnic strife.
The real source of the party's fear of transitional justice is that it would in fact alleviate the collective angst of Taiwan's "Mainlander" minority -- thereby accelerating the dissolution of a KMT voting bloc. ""
... ...
"" In addition to the killings, many more were sadistically tortured.
No less inexplicable is the fact that the US government turned a cold shoulder to the plight of Taiwanese during 40 years of martial law-enforced colonial rule by the KMT.
It can therefore be concluded that Washington had a hand in the last colonization that put the Taiwanese in the situation they find themselves today.
Randall Schriver, former US deputy assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, wrote that Washington is "ahistoric" in its policy-making ("The 228 Incident and American perceptions," Feb. 28, page 8).
In that case, Washington should maintain the same silence now -- when Taiwan is laboring to bring an end to colonialism -- as it did when the Taiwanese were trampled by Chinese colonial forces escorted ashore by US forces 60 years ago.
And that's without even considering the fact that the neo-colonialism against which Taiwan is endeavoring to put up a firewall could proliferate far beyond Taiwan's borders. ""
Huang Jei-hsuan, California
------------------------------
------------------------------
Taiwanese Blood:----------------------
http://tinyurl.com/2n8ofm
'Memorandum on the Situation in Taiwan'
The following paragraphs were taken from Ambassador Stuart's memorandum to Chiang Kai-Shek on April 18, 1947. You can download the complete memorandum by clicking here.
On the evening of February 27 certain armed Monopoly Bureau Agents and special police agents set upon and beat a female cigarette vendor, who with her two small children, had protested the seizure of her cash as well as her allegedly untaxed cigarettes. She is reported to have died soon after the agents, who shot at random, killing one person before they escaped into a civil police station. Their Monopoly truck and its contents were burned in the street, although the agents were allowed to be taken away, on foot and unmolested, from the police station by military police called for that purpose.
(On February 28)...The parade, meanwhile, left the Monopoly Bureau for the Governor's office where it was intended to present the petition for reform. At about two o'clock it reached a wide intersection adjacent to the government grounds. Without warning a machine gun mounted somewhere on the government building opened fire, swept and dispersed the crowd and killed at least four. Two consular officers drove through the square immediately after the shots were fired. Two of the dead were picked up a few minutes later by an UNRRA officer.
...Martial law was invoked in the late afternoon February 28. Armed military patrols began to appear in the city, firing at random wherever they went.
(March 1, at approximately 5 o'clock)... members of the American Consulate staff witnessed a severe clash between armed government forces and unarmed crowds. Mounted troops had killed two pedestrians near the compound. A crowd gathered. A few hundred yards away Railway Administration special armed police suddenly opened fire from within the Administration building and killed two more pedestrians. The crowd turned on any mainland Railway Bureau employee found nearby. Two more pedestrians who looked like coolies were shot about 300 feet from the Consulate gates. Then as the bodies were carried off the crowd was observed to assemble again some distance from a mounted patrol near an intersection. Suddenly, with no warning, a long burst of machine gun fire swept the area. Some of the wounded and dead were carried past the Consulate gates; it is stated reliably that at least 123 felled by the burst and that 25 died. How many of the injured walked away is not known.
...Beginning March 9, there was widespread and indiscriminate killing. Soldiers were seen bayonetting coolies without apparent provocation in front of a Consulate staff residence. Soldiers were seen to rob passerby. An old man protesting the removal of a woman from his house was seen cut down by two soldiers....Young Formosan men were observed tied together, being prodded at bayonet point toward the city limits. A Formosan woman primary school teacher attempting to reach her home was shot in the back and robbed near the mission compound.
Anyone thought to be trying to hide or run was shot down. Looting began wherever the soldiers saw something desirable. In the Manka area, near the Consulate, a general sacking by soldiers took place on March 10; many shopkeepers are believed to have been shot.
--------------------------
The February 28 Holocaust
------------------------------
------------------------------
http://tinyurl.com/2njgu4
'Memorandum on the Situation in Taiwan'
This memorandum was sent by Mr. John Leighton Stuart, United States Ambassador to China, to Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, Chairman of the National Government of the Republic of China, informing him of the situation in Taiwan.
Contents
Background
Three governmental acts
THE FEBRUARY INCIDENT
Spontaneous protest and unorganized riots
The Army’s explicit promise that the Central Government would not send troops
The Landing of Government troops and subsequent terrorism
The Draft Reform Program
Reforms to ensure equality for Formosans in local government:
Reforms to ensure security of person and property
Measures to ensure a revision and liberalization of economic policy and a reform of economic administration
Reform affecting military administration on Formosa:
Reform, affecting social welfare problems:
Demands which arc subordinate measures or subject to compromise
AFTERMATH AND SETTLEMENT
Public opinion, Nationalism and Communism
The Military commitment and possible economic consequences
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
April 18, 1947
Background
The Formosan Chinese greeted the surrender of Japanese authority to the Chinese with immense enthusiasm on October 25, 1945. After fifty years under Japanese control and intensive economic development they welcomed a return to China, which they had idealized as the "Mother Country". The richness of the island and the relatively light population pressure had made rapid economic and social developments possible. Agriculture, food processing and light industry in the best years produced an overseas trade valued at U.S. $225,000,000. To improve Taiwan's economic value the Japanese had raised the general standard of living. Public health standards were high and literacy widely spread among the masses. Formosans had come to place a high value on orderly procedures in the courts and on the orderly enforcement and observance of government regulations, for they found order both profitable and necessary in a complex and semi-industrialized economy.
With the removal of the Japanese the Formosans looked forward to a return to profitable trade and an expansion of their already established industries, with the markets of China ready to receive all that they could produce. The surpluses which had always gone to Japan would now, they thought, go to China. They expected to return to control of the properties taken from them by the Japanese through fifty years and expected a larger share in the management of their own enterprises. Under pressure of the Japanese overlords who were alien to Taiwan, they had developed an island-wide sense of social solidarity. They were free of all internal political strife. The Japanese had rigorously excluded all Communist influence and activity, and had indeed filled the people with fear, dislike and distrust of Communist doctrines. They revered the Generalissimo, be1ieved the Three people’s Principles meant new opportunities, and looked forward expectantly to participation In the Central Government. The year 1946 was one of increasing disappointment. Though the majority of petty officials, clerks and office boys of the new Administration were Formosans, they were virtually excluded from all important government offices and from important administrative posts. The legal necessity to place all confiscated Japanese properties and enterprises under Government control led to the creation of syndicates and combines in every field in which the Japanese had had an interest. Though the Government owns (and must heavily subsidize) these companies, the salaried and privileged administrators are in a position to squeeze freely. It is alleged that raw and finished materials and agricultural products find their way into the hands of unscrupulous officials for their use in private trading and smuggling Judging from Taiwan's former capacity to produce and the fact that its enterprises continue, qualified Formosans estimate that published records show only one-tenth of actual receipts. As an example, it is alleged by persons formerly connected with the Department of Agriculture and Forestry that fishing boats were withdrawn from their normal bases in 1940 and were used for smuggling in the interest of the authorities concerned.
Formosans have been virtually excluded from the higher levels of economic administration. These persistent allegations of corruption lead them to place responsibility on members of the Government who appear and reappear in lucrative posts as Commissioners, members of Committees, and Directors in a manner which concentrates full control of the total economy in the hands of a clique close to the Governor.
There was a progressive decline in Formosan economic enterprise, especially where there was competition with ex-Japanese interest. Unemployment among Formosans has progressively increased, either through direct discharge (frequently to make room for unqualified newcomers) or by the suspension or abolition of various established enterprises which failed to be profitable under the new management. Whereas about 50,000 Formosans had been employed normally in industrial work, by January 1947 UNRRA officials estimated that less than 5,000 were so employed. Whereas the top government officials created a Taiwan Industrial and Mining Enterprises Syndicate with a capital of two billion Taiwan yen, in which the Commissioners and their associates play leading roles, the Department of Mining and Industry announced an appropriation of only eight million Taiwan yen for loans in aid of private (i. e. Formosan) Industrial enterprises after June 1946.
The Quarantine Service broke down and the Public Health Service was badly shattered. Cholera epidemics occurred for the first time in about 80 years: bubonic plague appeared after an even longer absence. Educational standards in the schools were markedly lowered. Friction spread through the schools between Formosans and mainland students and teachers. Trouble between mainland police and local petty officials increased. The press was filled with public charges and counter-charges of corruption and lawless acts among government officers. Formosans claimed that corruption and nepotism among mainland officials increased rather than abated during the year. The cost of living soared. Bank of Taiwan wholesale commodity price indices snow advance as follows from November 1945 to January 1947: foodstuffs 3,328 to 21,058; clothing 5,741 to 24,483; fuel 963 to 14,091; fertilizers 139 to 37,559; building materials 949 to 13,612 (Pre-war June 1937 is used as a basis) Prices shot up most rapidly during February 1947. These figures on the whole reflect the drain of Taiwan wealth from the island, with little or no return to it.
Although the two rice harvests of 1946 were good, a rice shortage grew acute in December 1948 and January 1947. The Government instituted a tax in kind for rice lands, ostensibly to secure an equal distribution, and repeatedly threatened to use military force to punish private hoarders which it blamed for the shortages. In fact there is substantial evidence to support the Formosans in their charges that large quantities of grain were smuggled out or went into private control of officials. It is popularly believed that the army is shipping unpublicized quantities to the northern front on the mainland.
Three governmental acts
Against this background of increasing economic and social dislocation three governmental acts in January and February appear to have crystallized Formosan resentment toward economic policies and toward individuals in the Government.
(1) Throughout 1946 Formosans sought permission to elect city mayors and Hsien magistrates, in order to ensure themselves of some direct control over local police and over economic functions and public services. The announcement of China's new Constitution was greeted with relief. Prominent Formosan leaders counseled that demands for local elections could wait until the Constitution would become effective at the end of 1947. In early January, however, the Governor General announced that although the Constitution would be effective on the mainland on December 25, 1947, it would be impossible for the Government to allow local elections of mayors and magistrates in Formosa until December 1949. This had an effect which stirred political discussion to a new pitch. Formosans state that until they can elect their own representatives at all levels of local government they will have no security of person; they cannot control the local police, ensure the enforcement of law nor enjoy security of property.
(2) On February 1 the Government announced a new policy for the disposal it auction of certain large categories of Japanese property-principally real estate abandoned by the Japanese and now occupied by Formosans on a low rental basis. The announced procedures were such that it was widely believed that Formosans without great wealth and its influence would be unable to buy real estate which they had believed would be available, especially in view of the fact that it had been taken from them more or less forcefully by the Japanese over the course of fifty years.
This announced procedure was interpreted as a threat to the security of low-income level Formosans who, having lost their former homes during the war, are not anxious to face eviction from houses now occupied if, as they anticipate, new mainland landlords should suddenly greatly increase rentals. (Rental is the one item in living costs which has not risen excessively since 1945, due to the removal of several hundred thousand Japanese.)
(3) The third governmental act was a February 14 announcement of a series of complex financial and trading regulations which Formosans believed effectually concentrated monopoly control in the hands of a small group of officials. It is believed by some observers that these were announced precipitously and rashly in the belief that the crisis in Shanghai was about to provide an opportunity long awaited to establish a semi-autonomous economy for Taiwan, giving into the hands of a few mainland people an absolute control of all external trade and a general control of internal production and business as well.
As an island people, Formosans have been sensitive to overseas trade, and after the Japanese surrender they anticipated the reestablishment and expansion of seaborne commerce. They had proposed to organize their capital for production and Individual business, out of which they had expected to be taxed in support of the Central Government and of the local island administration. These new measures seemed to the Formosans not only a threat to return them to the subservient position they had suffered under the Japanese, but to threaten to destroy the very means to create wealth within the island.
THE FEBRUARY INCIDENT
Spontaneous protest and unorganized riots
On the evening of February 27 certain armed Monopoly Bureau agents and special police agents set upon and beat a female cigarette vendor, who with her two small children had protested the seizure of her small cash as well as her allegedly untaxed cigarettes. She is reported to have died soon after as a result of the beating at police hands. An angered crowd set after the agents, who shot at random, killing one person before they escaped into a civil police station, Their Monopoly Bureau truck and its contents were burned in the street, although the agents were allowed to be taken away, on foot and unmolested. from the police station by military police called for that purpose.
On the morning of February 28 a crowd estimated at about 2,000 marched in orderly fashion from the area in which the incident had occurred, past the American Consulate and toward the Monopoly Bureau Headquarters. Placards and banners announced that they intended to protest the action of special armed agents, to demand a death sentence for the responsible man1 and to demand the resignation of the Monopoly Bureau Director.
Unfortunately, as they made their way across the city, two Monopoly agents were discovered in a side street molesting a vendor. They were beaten to death by an angry crowd which was not taking part in the initial demonstration This happened near the Taipei Branch Monopoly Bureau Office buildings which the crowd began to sack. Its contents were burned in the streets. Mainland employee were driven out and if caught were beaten mercilessly. The crowd's anger enlarged to include employees and property of the Trading Bureau, another monopolistic organization greatly disliked. The Consul and the Vice Consul observed the orderly gathering before the Monopoly Bureau Headquarters, where no Monopoly Bureau official would receive the petition which had been brought about noon. Monopoly Bureau police and a few military police were guarding the entrances.
Meanwhile at about one o'clock someone announced to the radio audience that demands were being made on the Government to put an end to its monopolies. All Formosans were urged to support the movement.
The parade, meanwhile, left the Monopoly Bureau for the Governor's office where it was intended to present tile petition for reform. At about two o'clock it reached a wide intersection adjacent to the government grounds. Without warning a machine gun mounted somewhere on the government building opened fire, swept and dispersed the crowd and killed at least four. Two consular officers drove through the square immediately after the shots were fired. Two of the dead were picked up a few minutes later by an UNRRA officer.
This shooting was the signal for a citywide outburst of anger against all mainland Chinese, regardless of rank or occupation. Many were beaten, cars were burned and in some few cases offices and houses of minor officials were sacked and the contents burned in the street. It was observed that the Formosans refrained from looting. One Formosan was found attempting to take cigarettes from a burning heap; he was forced to kneel and beg forgiveness from the crowd and was then driven away. Another was severely beaten. Tires and other equipment were observed to have been left untouched on overturned cars, and remained in evidence until the Formosans lost control of the city March 9. Martial law was invoked in the late afternoon February 28. Armed military controls began to appear in the city, firing at random wherever they went.
At 10 o'clock a. m., March 1, the Chairman of the Taipei Municipal People's Political Council invited the Council, representatives of the National and provincial P.P.C. Councils and the Taiwan representatives to the National Assembly, to form a committee for settling the so called Monopoly Bureau Incident. It was decided to send a delegation to call on the Governor General, requesting, among other things, that a committee be formed to settle the problems jointly by the people and the Government. These men recognized that with the firing on the crowd at the government building, the issues had become much greater than mere punishment of Monopoly Bureau agents and a financial settlement for the injured and dead. They urged the Governor to lift martial law so that the dangers of a clash between the unarmed civil population and the military would be averted. This the Governor agreed to do at midnight, March 1, meanwhile forbidding meetings and parades.
On that day busses and trucks, filled with squads of government troops armed with machine guns and rifles, began to sweep through the streets, firing indiscriminately. Machine guns were set up at important intersections. Shooting grew in volume during the afternoon. At no time were Formosans observed to have arms and no instances of Formosan use of arms were reported in Taipei. Nevertheless, the military were evidently allowed free use in what appeared to be an attempt to frighten the people into obedience.
At approximately 5 o'clock, the Governor General broadcast a message which appears to have increased the anger of the people. He stated that the Monopoly Bureau incident had been settled by a generous payment of money. Without referring to the machine gun fire from his own office he accused the Formosans of increased rioting, but generously promised to lift martial law at midnight.
"There is one more point," the Governor broadcast. "The P.P.C members wished to send representatives to form a committee jointly with the Government to settle this riot. This I have also granted. If you have any opinion, you can tell me through this Committee." (Hsin Sheng Pao, March 2, 1947.)
While he was broadcasting, members of the American Consulate staff witnessed a severe clash between armed government forces and unarmed crowds. Mounted troops had killed two pedestrians near the compound. A crowd gathered. A few hundred yards away Railway Administration special armed police suddenly opened fire from within the Administration building and killed two more pedestrians The crowd turned on any mainland Railway Bureau employee found nearby. Two more pedestrians who looked like Coolies were shot about 300 feet from the Consulate gates Then as the bodies were carried off the crowd was observed to assemble again some distance from a mounted patrol near an intersection. Suddenly, with no warning, a long burst of machine gun fire swept the area. Some of the wounded and dead were carried past the Consulate gates; it is stated reliably that at least 123 were felled by this burst and that 25 died. How many of the injured walked away is not known.
On this afternoon 25 mainland officials from the neighboring Railway Administration compound took refuge in the Consulate. Although the crowd observed them enter, no attempt was made to pursue them. They were removed eight hours later under police guard.
The temper of the populace was uncertain. Inflammatory handbills and posters began to appear in increasing number. There was a general demand that the Government of Taiwan must he thoroughly reformed.
At 12 noon March 2 the "Untaxed Cigarette Incident Investigation Committee of the Taipei Municipal P.P.C." called on the Governor General, and with this began the attempt to meet and clarify the fundamental political and economic problems which lay back of the uprisings. The Governor had with him the Secretary-General, the Commissioners for Civil Affairs, Communications, and Industry and Mining.
The Governor appears to have been told by the Committee that there could be no peace as long as roving armed patrols were permitted to sweep the streets with gunfire and so paralyze all normal activity.
It is believed that if fully determined the people could have overpowered and ended the patrols which were moving only in the central part of the city.
The Governor therefore agreed to several "temporary demands", i.e., stipulations of conditions to be maintained while the people organized their fundamental demands for reform in government. These included (1) an agreement that a schedule of fundamental reforms should be prepared for discussion by March 10, after representatives of the people throughout the island could be consulted; (2) a promise that the Government would not bring additional troops into the city while these consultations were in progress; (3) a volunteer youth organization under the supervision of the Mayor and the municipal Chief of Police (a mainlander) would maintain law and order temporarily; (4) communications would be restored at once in order to avoid a food shortage.
The Governor agreed to broadcast at 3 o’clock p.m. and agreed to reduce the armed patrols gradually, meanwhile ordering them to patrol with rifles and other arms down on the floor of the trucks and busses, for use only if crowds were found disturbing the peace.
At 2: 30 o'clock the first general meeting of the Governor's representatives (the Commissioners of Civil Affairs, Police, and Communications, and the Taipei Mayor) and the Settlement Committee met in the Public Hall, with a capacity audience of spectators. It was announced that as a result of the morning conference the Governor had decided to readjust the Committee to bring into it representatives of the Chamber of Commerce, the Labor Union, student organizations, popular organizations, and the important Taiwan Political Reconstruction Association which has been for many months the most outspoken and emphatically nationalist group urging reform in General Chen's government.
The following temporary demands were formulated:
1. All people arrested in connection with the riots will be released;
2. The Government will pay death gratuities and compensations to the wounded;
3. The Government will not prosecute persons involved;
4. Armed police patrols will be stopped immediately;
5. Communications will be restored immediately.
While in session the meeting was disturbed by volleys of shots outside, when the Governor's promised 3 o'clock broadcast was postponed for almost two hours, it begun to be rumored that he was delaying in hope that troops would reach the city from the south and he would not he forced to make public acceptance of the demands.
At approximately 5 o'clock, March 2, the Governor again broadcast, concluding his speech with the statement:
"A committee will be organized to settle the incident. Besides government officials and members of the P.P.C., representatives from the people of all walks of life will be invited to joint the committee so that it may represent opinions of the majority of the people." (Hsin Sheng Pao, March 3, 1947)
On the night of March 2, word reached Taipei that the Governor actually had attempted to get troop to the city. Citizens near Hsinchu city, however, were reported to have halted the troop carriers by removing rails from the main line.
From this time (March 3) the confidence of the people appears to have been undermined. The moderate and conservative element represented by the Committee members were willing to trust the Government's word and to proceed with negotiations. The more skeptical elements agreed to support the Committee in its efforts but at the same time determined to prepare resistance to any military action which might be set against them.
This delegation, received by five Government Commissioners and Chief of Staff Ko, urged that the patrols be withdrawn, for they were still firing wildly in the streets despite the Governor's promises. After long discussion the Government representatives agreed:
1. All troops to be withdrawn by 6 p. m., March 8;
2. Public order to be maintained by a temporary Public Security Service Corps including gendarmes, police, and youths;
3. Communications to be restored at 6 p. m.;
4. Military rice stores to be released to avert crisis;
5. Any military personnel making a disturbance to be sent to General Ko for punishment;
6. Any civilians disturbing the peace to he punished according to law, on the guarantee of the Committee;
Troops absolutely would not come from the south to the north. (General Ko is reported to have promised "to commit suicide" if his personal guarantee were broken.)
Meanwhile, a Taipei City Provisional Public Safety Committee was organized by the Settlement Committee. Its members were recommended by the Committee and were to constitute a "Loyal Service Corps." Its effective period was to end on the day normal conditions were restored in Taipei. Meanwhile, events at Taipei were known throughout Taiwan. It appears that Formosans became deeply alarmed at persistent rumors that troops were coming from the mainland, and began to arm themselves to resist a military occupation, insisting, however, that they wanted reform, not civil war. Formosans began to take over local administrative posts everywhere held by mainland Chinese. Government troops offered some resistance but it appears that in many places mainlanders agreed to relinquish their posts peacefully, as at Hualienkang (Karenko). The aborigines are reported to be cooperating fully with the Formosan Chinese. Without prearrangement or preparation, by March 5, Formosan-Chinese were in the ascendancy or in control throughout the island.
This called for larger organization in order to prevent ruffians under guise of "1ocal patriotism" from taking advantage of confusion. On March 4 the Settlement Committee enlarged its representative character by creating 17 subdivisions or local Settlement Committees throughout the island. Circumstances beyond control forced the Committee to so enlarge its duties, and in doing so it announced:
"We should acknowledge the aim of this action, that there is no other desire except to demand a reformation of Government" (Hsin-Sheng Pao, March 5, 1947)
This was without doubt necessary, for the absence of mainland office-holders from their duties threatened to paralyze the administration.
The Governor and his Commissioners received the Committee's representatives at 3:30 p.m., March 4 and the Governor took occasion to remind them that his duties were related to both national administration and local government and expressed his hope that the people would come forth with more proposals for local administration. He stated that he had ordered the police and gendarmes not to carry weapons,
March 5 was quiet at Taipei. Shops were open and primary schools resumed classwork. The city appeared to be returning to normal while the Settlement Committee worked toward a reform program which would remove the sources of conflict between administration and people.
There was intense popular anxiety, however, for rumors of impending troop movements grew stronger. It was said that the March 10 date set for presentation of the reform proposals would be too late. Each rumor strengthened the arguments of the men who desired to organize resistance and made the task of the officially recognized Settlement Committee more difficult. In an attempt to clarify its own position and to strengthen its influence over dissident elements the Settlement Committee published basic Articles of Organization clearly defining its temporary character.
A Youth League of considerable potential significance came into being, stressing as basic principles a desire to make Taiwan a model province of China and to hasten Dr. Sun Yat-sen's program of National Reconstruction. The founder, former president of the Chamber of Commerce, Chiang Wei-chuan, said:
"We absolutely support the Central Government but will eradicate all corrupt officials in this province. This is our aim which I hope every one of you fully grasp." (Chung Wei Jih Pao, March 6,1947)
Spurred by fears of a military invasion, on March 6 the Settlement Committee completed its draft of items of reform which the Governor had agreed to discuss and to refer to the Central Government wherever necessary. The Committee's executive group acted as sponsors and included four members of the National P.P.C., six members of the Taiwan Provincial P.P.C., five members of the Taipei Municipal P.P.C. and two "reserve members". Everyone of these men had received the approval of the Government as P.P.C. members and represent in fact the most conservative elements in Taiwan. One is a former Consul General at San Francisco, and ex-Mayor of Taipei. The reform proposals, made possible March 7, are set forth on pages 15-18 of this despatch.
The Army’s explicit promise that the Central Government would not send troops
On March 8 Major-General Chang Wu.tao, Commander of the Fourth Gendarme Regiment, at 12:00 noon called on the Settlement Committee at its headquarters. According to the press and to witnesses he made the following categorical statement:
"I can guarantee that there will be no social disturbances if the people do not try to disarm the soldiers. I want especially to report to you that the demands for political reforms in this province are very proper. The Central Government will not dispatch troops to Taiwan. I earnestly entreat the people of Taiwan not to irritate the Central Government, but to cooperate to maintain order. I can risk my life to guarantee that the Central Government will not take any military actions against Taiwan. I speak these words out of my sincere attachment to this province and to the nation. I hope Taiwan will become a model province after these political reforms." (Hsin Sheng Pao, March 9, 1947.)
The Landing of Government troops and subsequent terrorism ""
... ...
"" The following developments have been reported as occurring during the end of March and the first part of April:
The continuing presence of fresh bodies in Keelung Harbor and other evidence indicate that the elimination of the informed opposition is continuing. The bodies of at least two men known to neutral sources as having taken no part in any activities during the recent Incidents have been identified. It is reported at Taipei that although shots and screams in the night have become less frequent, they continue, and that there is no palpable difference in the tense atmosphere of the city. Mainlanders generally are reported to be apprehensive of further trouble, and many of them are said to feel that Formosan cooperation under present circumstances will be difficult for an indefinite time in the future. Of serious import is the reported continuous undermining of Taiwan's advanced economic structure.
STUART
Politics :: Government Documents
Imperial Decrees | Engagement Between Japan and China Respecting Formosa | Treaty of Shimonoseki | Liaotung Convention
The Articles of Favorable Treatment | Treaty of Peace between the Republic of China and Japan | Taiwan Relations Act | ROC Constitution
Joint Communications Between Japan and China | UN Resolutions on Recognition of China | PRC Constitution
Memorandum on the Situation in Taiwan | Joint Communications of 1970s (from US) | Japan- Manchukuo Protocol ""
------------------------------
------------------------------
http://tinyurl.com/32fp89
'UN Resolutions on Recognition of China'
Contents
Resolution on the Representation of China in the United Nations
Resolution on the Restoration of the Lawful Rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations
Official Proposal for the U.N. General Assembly to review General Assembly resolution 2758 (XXVI)- 1998
Official Proposal for the U.N. General Assembly to Study R.O.C. Participation in the United Nations- 1999
Official Proposal for the U.N. General Assembly to examine the exceptional international situation pertaining to the Republic of China on Taiwan- 2000
Official Proposal for the U.N. General Assembly to examine the exceptional international situation pertaining to the Republic of China on Taiwan- 2001
-------------------------------------------------------------
Resolution on the Representation of China in the United Nations
Adopted by the 1913th plenary session of General Assembly on
20 November 1970 by a vote of 66-52-7
Resolution 2642 (XXV)
Ref:2500(XXIV), 2389(XXIll), 227l(XXIl), 2159(XXI), 202(XX),1668(XVI),1493(XV), 1351(XIV), 1239(XIII), 1135(XII), 1108(XI), 990(X), 903(IX), 800 (VIII), 501(V), 490(V)
THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY, ""
... ...
"" Affirms again that this decision remains valid.
1913th plenary meeting
20 November 1970
Source: Resolutions and Decisions of the United Nations General Assembly 25th Session. ""
------------------------------
------------------------------
==============================
==============================
http://tinyurl.com/37pbks
'What’s in a Name?', Arthur Waldron - 9.14.2007 - 1:19PM ; Contentions:
"" Regarding Washington’s pressure on Taiwan over its application to the U.N.., it is becoming increasingly clear that new thinking is needed. Washington insists that an “official name,” as yet unspecified, and not the standard “Taiwan,” must be used when the island’s people vote. Yet our attempts to explain what clearly is a misjudged response to Chinese pressure make us look stupid at best. ""
... ...
-----------------------------
On a new book, "Reshaping the Taiwan Strait":
http://tinyurl.com/295626
' Drop `one China' policy: US think tank ', by Charles Snyder, Taipei Times STAFF REPORTER IN WASHINGTON ; Friday, Mar 30, 2007, Page 3:
"" OUTDATED: The Heritage Foundation said that US policy on Taiwan is stuck in the 70s and encourages a Chinese perception that Washington supports a takeover of Taiwan
Describing the US' "one China" policy and the term "status quo" as politically dangerous and misleading, a conservative US think tank called on Washington to adopt a more relevant policy that favors Taiwan.
In a new book released on Wednesday, the Washington-based Heritage Foundation said that times have changed since the US policy was enunciated in 1972, when then US president Richard Nixon made a historic visit to China, and in 1979, when the US switched diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing.
The book -- Reshaping the Taiwan Strait -- said that US policy should be formulated based on the premise that only the Taiwanese be allowed to determine the nation's future.
Speaking at the Heritage's conference room on Wednesday, John Tkacik, the book's editor and a senior Heritage fellow, and four other contributors, demanded a change in US policy toward Taiwan.
Tkacik is a leading proponent among a small but vocal cadre of academics and former US government officials campaigning for the scrapping of the US' "one China" policy.
"The `one China' policy is outdated," said Bruce Jacobs, a professor at Monash University in Melbourne, Australia. "Taiwan is not a part of China ... The status quo has no relevancy today."
"The notion that there is such a thing as the status quo is false. There is no such thing," said Dan Blumenthal, a member of the blue-ribbon US-China Security and Economic Review Commission, a congressional panel, and a former Pentagon China specialist in the office of the US Secretary of Defense.
"So the notion that [the situation in Taiwan] is static and that a one-China policy can continue is just not right," he said.
"The US policy toward Taiwan has been very delusional. We delude ourselves into thinking there are certain circumstances under which we would allow Taiwan to go [to China]. That leads to drift and crises. That is how catastrophes happen," he said.
The "one China policy" encourages Beijing to think that the US would allow it to take over Taiwan, Blumenthal said.
"We don't mean we acknowledge China's right to Taiwan. Actually, we are trying to wait it out until China becomes democratic and then it changes its policy [toward] Taiwan," Blumenthal said.
"We mislead China by constantly repeating we acknowledge its position and somehow one day they will actually unify [with] Taiwan. This encourages China to be more aggressive and to lay the diplomatic groundwork around the world for a more aggressive policy," he said.
Tkacik foresaw a scenario in which the pan blues would dismantle Taiwan's defenses by allowing China to take over gradually.
"I can see a situation in which a new leader of Taiwan basically says, `My policy is to improve relations across the Taiwan Strait. I want to create confidence-building measures. want to increase the number of Taiwanese going to China. I want to increase the number of Chinese coming to Taiwan. I want to drop the investment restraints so that there are no restrictions on cross-strait movements,'" he said.
"At one point, the people of Taiwan will wake up and say, `It looks like we really are part of China, after all,'" he said.
"And I think you already see in the words of some Taiwan political leaders that they don't believe Taiwan needs to divest itself from China," and Taiwan will become in effect a part of China, Tkacik said.
Other members of the book launch panel were contributors Jaque deLisle, a law professor at the University of Pennsylvania, and Richard Kagan, a professor at Hamline University in St. Paul, Minnesota. ""
Copyright © 1999-2007 The Taipei Times. All rights reserved.
=============================
-----------------------------
http://blog.roodo.com/cjliu/
The Strange World of Taiwan, Only in Taiwan (No, not USA):
'隱瞞法官檢察官的黨籍 才是國際笑話', 劉進興, 【台灣觀察】2007.09.07:
"" 各位 馬英九 的信徙:
為了 台灣民主政治的 深化，請花兩份鐘，了解美國如何 處理 政黨黨藉 與 法官。
當法官，或任何 公職，一切當然要公開。當市長，總統，也一樣。
當公職，就沒有 穩私權。
不懂，就不要選。
Stephen Lin, 林忠雄，Ph.D. 加州理工學院
國際 台灣之友會會長
聖荷西 台南姐妹市 週年慶 Christmas Celebration計劃 總幹事
Santa Clara County United Veteran Council, Veteran’s Parade, Military Assistant to President. ""
==============================
------------------------------
'台灣人民法院開庭' ■ 陳達成 （作者為律師）2007-03-27
"" 從一九八二年到二○○一年之間，司法部門以人民納稅錢所發的冤獄賠償金高達新台幣四十三億，但是製造冤獄的司法官，卻無一人被追究責任。
邱毅率眾衝撞法院一案，證據確鑿竟然輕判，加上之前「興票案」洪泰文檢察官、黃世明檢察長違法濫權不起訴處分，「國務機要費案」陳瑞仁檢察官違憲濫權予以起訴，而在「胡瓜詐賭案」爆發法官收賄疑雲後，人民更不禁要問，法院真能信賴嗎？法院真能伸張正義嗎？答案是：從一九八二年到二○○一年之間，司法部門以人民納稅錢所發的冤獄賠償金高達新台幣四十三億，但是製造冤獄的司法官，卻無一人被追究責任。
這些冤獄涵蓋各類案件，可見不只是政治案件，司法的弊病是全面性的，威脅所有的人民，面對這樣的司法體系，人民百姓又該怎麼辦？誰能為他們說一句公道話？身為法律人，每思及此，心痛如絞，在與恩師林山田教授懇談後，遂有了「台灣人民法院」的誕生。人民法院巡迴法庭將在清明節前夕的三月卅一日首次開庭，審理一般法院不願意辦的第一件控訴案—蔣介石的二二八大屠殺案。
蔣介石的歷史功過有待史學家釐清，但是對台灣人民來說，從二二八大屠殺到白色恐怖，蔣介石為台灣所帶來的諸多不幸和痛苦，終其一生為台灣所造成的苦難，以「罄竹難書」還不足以形容。但在其死亡三十多年後的今天，不但未追究其責任，竟然還有以國家稅收所成立的紀念堂，對其專制獨裁歌功頌德，其遺骸還佔據大片國家土地，以人民血汗錢提供警衛、禮兵等等禮遇；其後代不但毫無愧疚，還高姿態的向身受其害的台灣人民嗆聲。在司法公義不彰，人民百姓投訴無門之下，台灣人民法院才挺身而出受理此案，冀望為公理正義開啟一絲曙光。
蔣介石死亡已逾三十年，超過一般法律追訴期，但是其所犯罪行，是以國家恐怖主義精心策劃，侵害人權最極致的大屠殺，屠殺對象為手無寸鐵的善良百姓，其犯行遠遠超過沒有追訴期限的戰爭罪犯（到現在納粹餘孽被發現，照樣扭送國際法庭制裁）。因此，釐清追究蔣介石的罪責，永遠沒有追訴期限的問題，這不但是台灣人民的共同期望，也是最基本的公理正義。
台灣人民法院這次的開庭，已經完成收件，在三月卅一日開審查庭，接著開準備程序庭、調查證據庭、言詞辯論庭、宣判庭，預備兩個月開一次庭，共開十二庭。我們將邀請林山田教授、李永熾教授、李筱峰教授、金恆煒總編、李勝雄律師、長老教會陳福住牧師以及國際人權組織成員艾琳達、齊馬諾等人共同參與，並歡迎所有台灣人共同參與。也將發開庭通知給被告家屬蔣孝嚴，聘請律師為蔣介石辯護；並且請大家踴躍參與陪審團，共同為彰顯台灣的公理正義盡一份心力。 ""
==============================
------------------------------
http://tinyurl.com/yvncya
'我是台灣人不是中國人連署運動':
"" 台灣這塊土地是全體台灣人所擁有，誰都不能自台灣人手上奪走，台灣主體意識是台灣人賴以維生的靈魂，崇尚自由、民主、人權是台灣人追求的目標。美日太平洋戰中，美軍解放了台灣，依照美國憲法、海牙第四公約（1907年）和舊金山和平條約（1952年），美國軍事政府暫時握有台灣澎湖地區的管轄權，台灣國際地位已經明確。【台灣地位宣言】 www.taiwanadvice.com/declarrch.htm 公佈於二零零六年三月二十九日，林志昇等於二零零六年十月二十四日向華盛頓特區聯邦法院提出控訴美國政府，【Roger C. S. Lin v. USA, Civil Action No.06-1825（RMC）】業經審理在案，懇請所有台灣人支持本連署『我們是台灣人』活動，讓台灣早日脫離中國文攻武嚇與飛彈威脅，在美國輔導下，根據國際法及戰爭法建立台灣人美麗和平的國家。
主辦單位：台灣平民民主黨、保護台灣大聯盟、建國黨、農民黨、海洋之聲電台
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
I am a Taiwanese and not a Chinese Petition Drive
--------------------------------------------------
The land in Taiwan belongs to the Taiwanese people, and of course no one can run them off of this land or confiscate it without due compensation. In their search for freedom, democracy, and human rights, a strong sense of Taiwanese consciousness is important to the Taiwanese people. As we know, during WWII in the Pacific, US military troops liberated Taiwan. According to the war powers in the US Constitution, the Hague Convention IV of 1907, and the San Francisco Peace Treaty of 1952, the United States Military Government (USMG) temporarily holds the jurisdictional powers over Taiwan, and this is the truth of Taiwan’s international legal status. The “Declaration of the Taiwan Status” www.taiwanadvice.com/declare.htm was promulgated on March 29, 2006, and then on Oct. 24, 2006, Dr. Roger C. S. Lin filed suit against the United States government in the US District Court for the District of Columbia. We urge everyone to support this “I am a Taiwanese and not a Chinese” petition drive, so that Taiwan may be removed from the threat of Chinese aggression at an early date, and the Taiwanese can build a beautiful and peaceful new national life for themselves under US administrative authority.
-------------
-------------
"" we would like to see that Taiwan independence as the ultimate goal is stated in the letter.
Hence, the second sentence of the letter could be said:
"In their search for freedom, democracy, and human rights, strong signs of sense of Taiwanese consciousness, identity are pointing that their ultimate goal is Taiwan be an independent nation." "" :CCC, Sacramento, from:
"Re: [GlobalForumIntl] We need the signatures in million units.
...Tuesday, September 11, 2007 12:43:30 AM"
-------------
-------------
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
私は台湾人であって、中国人ではない 署名運動
台湾の土地は台湾人の所有する伝代の宝である、何人も台湾人から奪い取る事は許されない。台湾人であるという自覚意識は、台湾人生存の魂であり、自由、民主、人権を尊び、是は又台湾人の追求の目標でもある。アメリカと日本の太平洋戦争で、アメリカは台湾を解放した、米国憲法、ヘーグ第四公約(1907年)とサンフランシスコ平和条約(1952年)に拠れば米国の軍事政府が暫時台湾澎湖地区の管轄権を握っている。これゆえに、台湾の國際地位は明白である。「台湾地位宣言」www.taiwanadvice.com/declarrch.htm は2006年３月29日に公布されている。林志昇氏などは2006年10月24日にワシントンDCの連邦法廷で米国を控訴した。「Roger C S Lin v.USA, Civil Acton No. 06-1825 (RMC)」が法廷の案件番号であり、審理中である。台湾の同胞がこの署名運動にサインする事で「私達は台湾人である」と強く訴え、台湾が一日でも早く中国の恐喝、ミサイル攻撃の威嚇から離脱し、米国の支持の下で、国際法と戦争法に基ずき平和な美しい台湾人の国を創りましょう。
運動代表者：台湾平民民主党、保護台湾大連盟、建国党、農民党、海洋の声ラジオ・ステーション等
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
連署者名單 : ( 出生年份請使用西元，例 : 1945, 12, 12 )
姓名: 出生地: 出生年月日: 身份證 前五碼:
姓名: 出生地: 出生年月日: 身份證 前五碼:
日期 : 西元 年 月 日
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
連署名單請寄 :
蔡坤龍 市議員服務處 台北市 南京西路185巷6號
-------------------------------
大地文教基金會 台中市 西區自治街155號6樓之二
-------------------------------
台灣平民民主黨 高雄市 苓雅區 青年二路212號2樓
-------------------------------
=============================
-----------------------------
'WUFI-與台灣的永恆約定
<< 你不是人，沒有人權；台灣不是國家，不享有主權。 | 回blog首頁 | 台灣入聯公投第二階段連署（文章置頂至連署完成） >>
"共和國" 56期, 2007年09月5日【免費】贈閱~限量50本
共和國雜誌不只是WUFI盟員們的雜誌，更是一本探討台灣政治以及文化議題的優質雜誌。
各位朋友，最新一期的共和國雜誌即將在九月初出版。
免費索取贈送名額50本，請即刻來函以E-MAIL預訂，以免向隅。
本期雜誌以音樂與國家認同為主題，包含了閃靈樂團主唱Freddy的專訪，音樂創作人王明哲先生的專訪，以及音樂與國家認同座談會的側寫記錄。此外更有關於台灣主權的論述，精彩的台灣觀點，福爾摩沙記事等等精彩內容。
上一期的網路板您可以在這邊閱讀到，七月號共和國；而紙本的共和國編排更用心，共和國雜誌絕對值得您收藏和閱讀！
本部落格將提供五十本九月號共和國雜誌免費試閱版。有意願試閱的朋友請自即日起至九月五號前將您的大名及住址以下方的e-mail寄給我們。來信請寫標題：我要試閱共和國56期雜誌。我們會以最快速度回信給您確認，雜誌出刊後將以最快的速度寄到您的手上。
e-mail預定
↓↓↓↓↓↓↓↓↓
miin520twbent@gmail.com
Posted by republic at 樂多Roodo! │15:12 │回應(7) │引用(1) │共和國雜誌
=============================
-----------------------------
http://tinyurl.com/2yoxk7 or
http://www.epochtimes.com/b5/7/5/1/n1695584.htm
Epoch USA Inc:大紀元: New Taiwan Ambassador to US, Dr. Jaushieh Joseph Wu
吳釗燮大使(中)與華府台灣同鄉會會長賴國龍(左)和巴爾地摩台灣同鄉會會長胡韶真(右)一起同心切開歡迎吳釗燮大使的巨型蛋糕(馨芳攝影/大紀元)
新任駐美代表吳釗燮與華府台灣同鄉互動
【大紀元5月1日訊】(大紀元記者馨芳華盛頓DC報導)台灣新任駐美代表吳釗燮大使於二零零七年四月二
十八日下午於台北駐美代表處文化中心與幾百位來自華府台灣同鄉會、巴爾地摩台灣同鄉會以及來自維州、哥倫比亞特區等地的台灣同鄉們見面互動。整個場面熱烈活躍，充滿了掌聲和笑聲。
============================
----------------------------
http://tinyurl.com/yvx5oy
【聯合報】'從7-ELEVEN的報架想起', ■ 台灣孤挺花 ; 2007年9月12日 星期三
"" 聯合報何以至此，想必很多員工都知道原因，但說不出口，或是曉得說了也沒用而選擇了閉上嘴巴。一言以蔽之：大中國情結作祟，遠離本土而不自省。從一條鞭的外省人士坐鎮領導與把關的高層、一元化的思維操持，到報社充斥著對台灣文化的鄙夷氛圍，他們或許成功的緊緊抓住了深藍，卻背離了深藍以外佔了台灣主流、多數的讀者群。做為一個家中小孩個個都是吃聯合報奶水長大、曾經頂著聯合報第一大報光環走過數十載人生黃金歲月的我而言，真有無限感慨。 ""
（作者曾任聯合報記者、特派員、主編、組長共二十五年）
============================
----------------------------
【自由時報社論】公投正名制憲才能堂皇進入國際組織
2007-08-25自由時報社論
陳水扁總統出訪中南美邦交國，在過境美國阿拉斯加加油時，並未離開座機且
向美國接待代表表示：這一次的過境安排，不方便、不舒適，甚至沒有尊嚴。
陳總統還不穿西裝、不打領帶，胸前貼著「牽手護台灣，加入聯合國」貼紙以
示抗議。
如此令人不滿意的過境安排，顯然是推動「入聯公投」的後遺症，而其根本原
因則是台灣尚未成為正常國家，以致台美之間的高層互動，無法按照國際外交
慣例進行，必須以個案方式處理，經常受偶發事件影響。而這，對台灣是非常
不公平的。
不過，日前接受英國ＢＢＣ專訪時，陳總統仍指出：台灣已是一個獨立的國
家，不需要再做進一步的宣布。話雖如此，從阿拉斯加過境安排來看，至少美
國並不承認台灣已是一個獨立的國家。按照「台灣關係法」，美國只是為了權
宜行事，把台灣「視為」一個國家而已。
在ＢＢＣ的專訪中，主持人引北京的評論問及，明年會有三個日期，台灣政府
可能選在其中一天正式宣布獨立。對此，陳總統答曰：他們所講的那三個時間
點都不會發生。事實上，這個問題隱含的嚴肅性，十分值得我們推敲。
老實說，台灣向世界衛生組織及聯合國叩關，中國或美國都不難四兩撥千斤。
聯合國秘書長潘基文退回陳總統的入聯申請函，便是例子之一。其中的道理很
簡單，因為政府儘管以「台灣」的名義提出申請，但我們的國號依舊是「中華
民國」，對國際組織而言，世界上沒有「台灣」這個國家。
所以說，如果我們還是使用「中華民國」，沒有公投、制憲、正名，建立「台
灣國」之前，不論我們用什麼名義申請加入國際組織，都會碰到北京一個中國
原則的釘子。因為，根據聯合國大會第二七五八號決議，「中華民國」早已經
被「中華人民共和國」取代。在這種情況下，「中華民國」怎麼能「重返」或
「加入」國際組織？
上述ＢＢＣ主持人提及之宣布獨立問題，恰好點出中國與國際社會最為在意
的，就是「台灣」成為「台灣國」。如果，我們透過公投、正名、制憲，揚棄
中華民國體制，台灣就成為一個新國家。如此一來，不論其他國家是否立即承
認台灣，但北京的一個中國原則，將無法再束縛台灣，卻是一個立即的效果。
這是由於，北京以一個中國原則宣稱台灣是中國的一部分的跳板，也就是中華
民國，已經徹底消失了。
包括陳總統在內，國內具有代表性的政治人物，許多都主張台灣已是一個獨立
國家。可惜，光是這樣講，沒有揚棄中華民國體制，說了也白說。民進黨討論
中的「正常國家決議文草案」指出，「為破除中國利用中華民國的歷史與體
制，宣傳台灣是中國的一部分，我國的國號應正名為台灣」，所言甚是。然
而，要擺脫中華民國體制，必須要有具體的行動，亦即，公投、正名、制憲。
否則，中華民國還是會陰魂不散。
過去十餘年來，我們從「重返」到「加入」國際組織，從使用各種怪異名稱到
使用台灣名義，各種努力不可謂少。可是，結果擺在大家眼前，只要中華民國
的招牌存在，一切的努力都難有成果。所以，未來大家的努力應在於，堅持用
公投的基本人權，揚棄中華民國體制，以凸顯台灣是一個「新而獨立」的國
家，讓台灣徹底擺脫一個中國原則的陰影，以正常國家的身分參與國際組織。
===================================
Subscribe to:
Post Comments (Atom)
No comments:
Post a Comment
Please feel free to comment. bbcweb who is
working on:
1) Formosan fine artist, Tsai Intang, and
2) Promotion of Taiwan's art worlds:
http://groups.google.com/group/bbcweb
3) ACdd, Armed Citizens direct democracy for world peace,
4) Pushing for a free/sovereign FF, Formosan Federation, starting from
5)NTHAN, North Taiwan Hakka Autonomous Nation, based in Hsinbu, NTHAN, FF, home of Tsai Intang:
http://tinyurl.com/FreeFormosa