'將台灣戒嚴半個世紀,蔣經國有罪!' /高達宏 :
http://www.southnews.com.tw/polit/polit_00/13/02029.htm
"起論:
惡徒的功勞 一個惡徒把一個人的家產奪了,家人殺了,凌辱了數十年;後來,受害人自己努力奮鬥,蓋了房子,安居了下來。不料,這個奪家殺人的惡徒,竟然聲稱這個人能夠蓋房子安居,是他的功勞。
這個無法自省,不知羞恥的惡徒就是中國國民黨。
正文:
一個人當總統,當到死了,進了棺材才作罷,在他活著統治的時候,反對陣營的人士則經常被政治謀殺而喪失生命,在這樣的情況之下,要說解嚴的功勞是蔣經國這個總統的,那麼,這人世間還有天理公道嗎?
話又說回頭,蔣介石、蔣經國父子兩人都當了一輩子的台灣皇帝,把台灣戒嚴了半個世紀,然後解嚴,中國黨還敢誇稱解嚴是蔣經國的功勞,這未免無知得過頭了吧?
依照中國黨的論調,中華民國之建立,功勞最大的應該是滿清的皇帝宣統了,如果不是他宣告退位,結束了滿清的統治,豈會有中華民國的誕生?"
... ...
2007.07.15
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'聯合國退回台灣申請入UN案 外交部遺憾:
http://www.cna.com.tw/
http://www.cna.com.tw/perl/topread_mp.cgi?id=200707240069
(中央社記者李佳霏 台北二十四日電)日前總統陳水扁致函聯合國秘書長潘基文,提出以台灣名義加入聯合國申請案,聯合國秘書長發言人以「二七五八號決議」及一個中國政策為由退回,外交部今天表示遺憾。外交部強調,二七五八號決議未處理台灣代表權益問題,聯合國應按既定議事規則處理台灣以新會員的申請加入案。
聯合國中文網站引述秘書長發言人表示,「聯合國法律事務廳不接受由聯合國兩會員國提出的台灣加入聯合國的申請,並已將申請案退回」,法律事務廳也指出,「這樣做是基於聯合國大會二七五八號決議,這一決議確定了聯合國奉行一個中國的政策」。
=================
'從郭正典的創意說起', ■ 柯端腕:
http://www.libertytimes.com.tw/2007/new/jul/24/today-o2.htm
"七月二十三日自由廣場郭正典先生提出:「……因舊金山和約並未明說日本在放棄台灣後要把台灣交還給誰,理論上應是交還給日本人當初奪取對象的『台灣民主國』……」。這是很有創意的想法。但實際上,該民主國與美日太平洋戰爭中的戰役過程無關。重點在於美國於一九四一年十二月八日向日本宣戰,而戰爭中所有攻打(日屬)台灣的軍事行動均是美軍所為。美國是台灣的征服者,如此對台灣產生管轄權,武裝衝突結束以後,美國有佔領台灣之義務。而蔣氏集團在台灣之身分,在代表同盟國接受日軍投降以後,接下來是代替美國軍事政府佔領台灣而已。舊金山和約雖然未說明台灣交給誰,但是從戰爭法的角度分析,美國是主要佔領權國(見第二十三條a項)、美國軍事政府對第二條與第三條領土均有處分與支配權(見第四條b項)。試問:美國軍事政府對台灣之管轄權何時被美國聯邦政府所承認之「平民政府」給取代,因而宣告結束?答案是:到今天一直都沒有!
是故,台灣人民要走自己的路,首要之急是要求美國宣告蔣氏之中華民國集團佔領台灣之任務結束,接下來台灣可以在美國管轄下直接正名、制憲,成立台灣人民的平民政府。"
(作者專研台灣地位問題)
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'On the Liberty of the Ancients Compared with that of the Moderns', By Benjamin Constant Posted on 7/20/2007:
http://www.mises.org/story/2524
... ...
" Henri-Benjamin Constant de Rebecque (October 25, 1767 –December 8, 1830) was a Swiss-born thinker, writer, and French politician. Born in Lausanne to descendants of Huguenots, he was educated by private tutors. He was active in French politics as a publicist and politician during the latter half of the French Revolution and between 1815 and 1830. An advocate of free markets and an outspoken opponent of war, he attacked Napoleon's martial appetite on the grounds that it was illiberal and not suited to modern social organization. Comment on the blog.
This was a lecture given by the Swiss-French thinker Benjamin Constant in 1819. The French title is "De la Liberté des Anciens Comparée àcelle des Modernes." Alternative dates for it as a printed essay are sometimes given, because Constant had previously used much of the material contained in it. Common attributions include 1812 and 1816.
The introduction is taken from Ralph Raico's dissertation, The Place of Religion in the Liberal Philosophy of Constant, Tocqueville, and Lord Acton, available in PDF. Listen to Ralph Raico's lecture on "Classical Liberal Historians" from the Mises Institute's "History of Liberty" conference in 2001. Comment "
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'DPP failed on reforms, academics say', By Shih Hsiu-chuan, Taipei Times STAFF REPORTER Monday, Jul 23, 2007, Page 3 :
"" Despite a series of activities the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government recently held to mark the end of martial law 20 years ago, it has failed to remove the legacy of the Martial Law era over the past seven years, panelists attending a forum on the impact of that time said yesterday.
At the forum hosted by Taiwan Thinktank in Taipei, experts exchanged views on what has been done by the government to deal with the legacy left by the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) regime.
Political transfer from authority to democracy was supposed to mean a "severance" from the past, but the DPP, which came to power in 2000, made it a "succession," said Chin Heng-wei (金恆煒), editor-in-chief of Contemporary Monthly magazine.
The fact that President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) won the presidency with less than 40 percent of the vote and that the legislature is dominated by the pan-blue camp and has hindered Chen's reforms cannot disguise the fact that Chen himself should take the blame, Chin said.
"For example, now that [Chen's] nomination of members of the Control Yuan has been boycotted [by the opposition], why didn't he take the chance to abolish the Control Yuan?" Chin said.
Yao Jen-to (姚人多), an assistant professor of sociology at National Tsinghua University, said that in order to meet the goal of transitional justice the government must make critiques of the preceeding regime.
As Wu Nai-te (吳乃德), a sociologist at Academia Sinica, said recently, there are tens of thousands of victims of the previous regime, but no perpetrator has been identified, Yao said.
"No one has been asked to take responsibility for what they have done in the past. It's preposterous that the KMT praised former president Chiang Ching-kuo (蔣經國) for his `kindness' in lifting martial law and didn't allow criticism of Chiang Kai-shek's `despotism,'" he said.
Former president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) did not examine Chiang Ching-kuo's role in the 228 Incident, and Chen, while preaching the importance of "transitional justice," had only good words to say about Lee, Yao said.
Because the DPP over the past seven years has not recognized that it is a new democratic regime, it has failed to come up with solutions to deal with the authoritarian era's legacies, Yao said.
As a result, "judges and prosecutors who helped the autocrats make unlawful verdicts [during the Martial Law era] are still there, so are the teachers who helped the autocrats [in the past] brainwash the students," he said.
DPP ethnic affairs department chief Yang Chang-cheng (楊長鎮), said that he agreed that "the DPP wasn't brave enough to advance transitional justice." ""
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